On Tuesday evening, the 55th day since the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig exploded in the Gulf of Mexico, President Barack Obama took to the airwaves ostensibly to inform the nation about what his administration is doing in the face of the worst environmental disaster in American history. But in lieu of offering a solution, the president devoted a significant amount of time to trashing BP, lecturing like Al Gore and passing the “tar ball”.
The latter is ironic for a man who mocked the previous administration’s response to Hurricane Katrina on the White House website the very day the 44th president took office.
For much of the past month and a half, the president seems to have been a man in search of an “ass to blame” then intent on plugging a hole or containing the oil slick and when he hasn’t been slinging blame, the president has been rhetorically slinging BP’s money around without the capacity to actually back up the financial obligations he casually assigns to them.
BP will deservedly pay a steep price for whatever negligence, willful and unintended, that contributed to a catastrophe that threatens a way of life for generations of fishermen, Louisiana’s fragile wetlands that act as the state’s first line of defense from a hurricane’s storm surge and countless species of marine fauna that inhabit the Gulf of Mexico and coastal marshlands.
But publicly bitching about BP isn’t solving problems plaguing the gulf coast and its certainly not presidential leadership, something the voters hoped (thought?) they were getting.
And to make matters even worse for the Louisiana economy, the Obama Administration handed down a double-whammy by suspending deep water oil exploration.
Offshore oil drilling involves considerable risk, just like coal mining. President Obama should be aware of this since he delivered the eulogy at the memorial service for the 29 mine workers who were killed in the Upper Big Branch mine in West Virginia.
Despite the pleadings of those who know the risks all too well, a diverse group that includes Louisiana Republicans and Democrats, the Times Picayune (the New Orleans newspaper that endorsed his presidential candidacy), offshore oil rig workers and fishermen, Obama remains irresolute on the moratorium, ignoring the fact that there are offshore rigs dotting across the gulf providing America the energy she needs.
Adding enormous insult to injury for Louisiana during his nationally televised address, the president had the audacity to invoke the environmental damage done to Louisiana’s coastline in part from the oil industry without offering succor.
Something that would help Louisiana would be for the president to get behind US Senator Mary Landrieu’s push to accelerate offshore oil royalty payments from the federal government as such funds would be dedicated to fighting coastal erosion.
But Landrieu’s allies on her side of the aisle are not inclined to send back to Louisiana oil dollars that could be better used to construct senior living centers in Medford, Massachusetts.
The refusal by the Democratic White House and Congress to embrace this measure of “economic justice” underscores their sincerity and begs to question the wisdom for a “red state” like Louisiana to send Democrats to Washington if they are unable to coax their colleagues to deliver for the state, when having a seat at the table doesn’t even entitle one to scraps.
Obama’s knee jerk deep water offshore policy is an example of the Obama Administration not letting the plight of the people get in the way of good policy.
Not missing the opportunity to parlay this crisis into winning converts to an impractical energy agenda, the president spent a sizable portion of his address deriding fossil fuels and the need to pursue alternative energy, though oil isn’t going to be significantly replaced as a critical component in the American energy fabric in our lifetime, no matter how many tens of billions the president casually throws against the wall or how many ludicrous taxes and trade schemes his rubber stamp Congress enacts.
Or for that matter how many more tens of billions the president makes for the House of Saud and Hugo Chavez by restricting our ability to supply ourselves with our own oil.
By the president’s words and actions, it’s abundantly clear that this crisis in a part of the country that didn’t vote for him isn’t as much a problem to be solved but a talking point to be used to advance a political agenda.
Tuesday, June 15, 2010
Saturday, May 29, 2010
Early Call: Moreno Wins
Based on the sample of results that have been reported The Early Call is projecting Helena Moreno the winner in the 93rd district state representative race.
Updated Numbers: Moreno Wins White Vote Heavily
The McGehee School boxes comes in strong for Moreno, winning it 197-36.
The big question is how Moreno performed in Louis Charbonnet's boxes.
The big question is how Moreno performed in Louis Charbonnet's boxes.
Moreno-Perry Runoff: First Numbers, Close But Leans Moreno
The first numbers are in. Precinct 1-1, where James Perry won in the primary, Helena Moreno carries the box 16-11. Precinct 1-5 59-33 Moreno. Precinct 1-2 went to Moreno 33-11. Perry had handily carried both boxes in the primary, indicating a close race but promising for Moreno.
Monday, May 3, 2010
Mayor Mitch: A City United
Launching his administration with an eloquent, Kennedy-esque address to the invitation-only gathering on the steps of historic Gallier Hall, Mitch Landrieu assumed the reins of leadership of a city still struggling to recover from Hurricane Katrina and a myriad of quality of life problems that were present long before the devastating storm system made landfall in 2005.
The younger Landrieu entered office not by being the lone man standing in a divisive election but supported by one of the broadest political mandates a non-incumbent has ever received.
The new mayor carried every neighborhood in the city and lost only a single precinct in his primary victory, carrying into office the votes and hopes of New Orleanians of all races, ideologies and incomes.
Only two other mayoral elections in the past 100 years are on the same level of importance as Landrieu’s win: Chep Morrison’s smashing the Ring’s decades of near-monopolistic control of city government and “Dutch” Morial’s election, marking the beginning of African-American ascendancy in city politics.
The greatest asset Landrieu has is the mandate he received at the polls as no one segment of the community put him in office.
It’s easier to govern when you win by a landslide than it is when victory comes by a sliver. Rather than having to work to build trust with voters on the other side of a 50-50 split that he has their best interests in mind, it was the voters who threw the keys to City Hall to Landrieu by virtual acclamation, signaling that they already trust him to do what’s right for the entire community.
To be the recipient of that level of support in a city known for its deep internal divisions is both humbling and sobering.
It’s also the best protection to have when someone marches into the City Council Chamber and makes the absurd accusation that transparency in government is a racist concept meant to hurt minority contractors. How Landrieu reacts to the political demagoguery invoked concerning policy and appointments will be an omen of what kind of leader he is going to be.
Landrieu will have eight years (a second term is practically a certainty- no sitting New Orleans mayor has lost a re-election bid since 1946) to utilize his vast experience in government, political courage, intellect, personal resilience and oratory skills to develop and sell to the public solutions to what ills the city.
Quick band-aid fixes will work about as well in addressing New Orleans’ long festering problems as the temporary levee plug along the Industrial Canal’s Lower Nine side during Hurricane Rita.
The younger Landrieu entered office not by being the lone man standing in a divisive election but supported by one of the broadest political mandates a non-incumbent has ever received.
The new mayor carried every neighborhood in the city and lost only a single precinct in his primary victory, carrying into office the votes and hopes of New Orleanians of all races, ideologies and incomes.
Only two other mayoral elections in the past 100 years are on the same level of importance as Landrieu’s win: Chep Morrison’s smashing the Ring’s decades of near-monopolistic control of city government and “Dutch” Morial’s election, marking the beginning of African-American ascendancy in city politics.
The greatest asset Landrieu has is the mandate he received at the polls as no one segment of the community put him in office.
It’s easier to govern when you win by a landslide than it is when victory comes by a sliver. Rather than having to work to build trust with voters on the other side of a 50-50 split that he has their best interests in mind, it was the voters who threw the keys to City Hall to Landrieu by virtual acclamation, signaling that they already trust him to do what’s right for the entire community.
To be the recipient of that level of support in a city known for its deep internal divisions is both humbling and sobering.
It’s also the best protection to have when someone marches into the City Council Chamber and makes the absurd accusation that transparency in government is a racist concept meant to hurt minority contractors. How Landrieu reacts to the political demagoguery invoked concerning policy and appointments will be an omen of what kind of leader he is going to be.
Landrieu will have eight years (a second term is practically a certainty- no sitting New Orleans mayor has lost a re-election bid since 1946) to utilize his vast experience in government, political courage, intellect, personal resilience and oratory skills to develop and sell to the public solutions to what ills the city.
Quick band-aid fixes will work about as well in addressing New Orleans’ long festering problems as the temporary levee plug along the Industrial Canal’s Lower Nine side during Hurricane Rita.
Sympathy for the Devil
I am tempted to wager that there’s a better chance of the Orleans Parish School Board renaming a school for a Confederate general than the ex-mayor.
Clarence Ray Nagin’s mayoralty started off with much promise but suffered from disasters, natural, rhetorical and appointive. The Nagin era has been hammered on the front pages of the Times Picayune and the sides of Krewe d’Etat floats.
That said, here are a few highlights of the Nagin Administration:
1) The demise of Orleans Parish political machines that were largely responsible for the culture of corruption in City Hall and the wrecked public school system started with Nagin’s election in 2002. And once in office, Nagin did not set about creating a new machine (unlike the beatified Morrison).
2) The Big Four housing projects were demolished during his administration. If only Nixon could go to China then only Nagin could stand up to the professional protestors that wanted these high-density/crime havens of death and despair reopened.
3) New Orleanians finally found the guts to stand up to City Hall. Anyone remembered all of those protests about corruption, crime, etc. during either Morial Administration? Didn’t think so. Why? Because Nagin apparently had thicker skin than anyone that’s held the office and was not inclined towards political vengeance. For the first time, calling out the mayor didn’t feel like the equivalent of taking on the mafia. Be sure to remember this one.
4) Nagin showed more maturity dealing with President George W. Bush than Governor Kathleen Blanco and a number of other Democratic officials. While Blanco’s staffers were worrying about HWKRST (How Would Karl Rove Spin This?), Nagin didn’t let his party affiliation get in the way of working with the one man who could do the most for the city’s recovery.
5) He warned us about Kimberly Williamson Butler. But the voters elected her Clerk of Criminal Court anyway leading to missing evidence and election machines being delivered to polling locations late.
6) He cursed for all of us. While the Times Picayune has had some fun posting a Nagin comment soundboard, the mayor’s exasperation broadcast across the globe during the worst of Hurricane Katrina’s aftermath expressed the frustration we all felt with the storm, the Army Corps of Engineer’s levee system (and shipping channels that contributed to the collapse of the former) and the incompetence of the state and federal governments’ response to the storm.
7) Hollywood South. Before it became K-Ville, New Orleans was a new hub for the movie industry and had a big cheerleader in the mayor. Don’t think having the mayor’s support matters? Try getting the permits needed to close streets with City Hall against you. Film shoots garnered the Crescent City publicity and provided jobs for workers of all skill levels, from lighting technicians and caterers to extras.
8) He brought people together. It took mass disaffection with Nagin’s mayoralty to get many voters beyond race. For the first time since 1978, the city’s racial demographics alone were not the primary reason why a particular candidate was elected mayor. Nagin, who didn’t shy away from acting like an African-American version of Roswell Thompson, attempted to motivate black voters to act to keep the “franchise”; that kind of talk fell on deaf ears in 2010.
Clarence Ray Nagin’s mayoralty started off with much promise but suffered from disasters, natural, rhetorical and appointive. The Nagin era has been hammered on the front pages of the Times Picayune and the sides of Krewe d’Etat floats.
That said, here are a few highlights of the Nagin Administration:
1) The demise of Orleans Parish political machines that were largely responsible for the culture of corruption in City Hall and the wrecked public school system started with Nagin’s election in 2002. And once in office, Nagin did not set about creating a new machine (unlike the beatified Morrison).
2) The Big Four housing projects were demolished during his administration. If only Nixon could go to China then only Nagin could stand up to the professional protestors that wanted these high-density/crime havens of death and despair reopened.
3) New Orleanians finally found the guts to stand up to City Hall. Anyone remembered all of those protests about corruption, crime, etc. during either Morial Administration? Didn’t think so. Why? Because Nagin apparently had thicker skin than anyone that’s held the office and was not inclined towards political vengeance. For the first time, calling out the mayor didn’t feel like the equivalent of taking on the mafia. Be sure to remember this one.
4) Nagin showed more maturity dealing with President George W. Bush than Governor Kathleen Blanco and a number of other Democratic officials. While Blanco’s staffers were worrying about HWKRST (How Would Karl Rove Spin This?), Nagin didn’t let his party affiliation get in the way of working with the one man who could do the most for the city’s recovery.
5) He warned us about Kimberly Williamson Butler. But the voters elected her Clerk of Criminal Court anyway leading to missing evidence and election machines being delivered to polling locations late.
6) He cursed for all of us. While the Times Picayune has had some fun posting a Nagin comment soundboard, the mayor’s exasperation broadcast across the globe during the worst of Hurricane Katrina’s aftermath expressed the frustration we all felt with the storm, the Army Corps of Engineer’s levee system (and shipping channels that contributed to the collapse of the former) and the incompetence of the state and federal governments’ response to the storm.
7) Hollywood South. Before it became K-Ville, New Orleans was a new hub for the movie industry and had a big cheerleader in the mayor. Don’t think having the mayor’s support matters? Try getting the permits needed to close streets with City Hall against you. Film shoots garnered the Crescent City publicity and provided jobs for workers of all skill levels, from lighting technicians and caterers to extras.
8) He brought people together. It took mass disaffection with Nagin’s mayoralty to get many voters beyond race. For the first time since 1978, the city’s racial demographics alone were not the primary reason why a particular candidate was elected mayor. Nagin, who didn’t shy away from acting like an African-American version of Roswell Thompson, attempted to motivate black voters to act to keep the “franchise”; that kind of talk fell on deaf ears in 2010.
Saturday, May 1, 2010
Ray Steib Elected Judge
In the Jefferson Parish judicial election, Ray Steib has defeated Debbie Villio for judge. It would appear that the big push by Jefferson Parish sheruff Newell Normand backfired.
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